Papers People. Save to Library. Confrontational and Cooperative Regional Orders. Managing Regional Security in World Politics.
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This book explains cooperative and confrontational regional orders in the post-Cold War era. Applying a push-and-pull framework to the evolution of regional orders, the book's theoretical section compares regional dynamics and studies the Applying a push-and-pull framework to the evolution of regional orders, the book's theoretical section compares regional dynamics and studies the transformation and authority of governing arrangements among key regional actors who manage security and institutional cooperation.
This presents a novel approach to comparing non-Western regional orders, and helps forge a better integration between International Relations disciplinary approaches and area studies.
The Triple Helix concept
The empirical section analyzes Central Eurasia and South America within the period , using case studies and interviews with decision-makers, practitioners and experts. The volume demonstrates that soft engagement strategies from extra-regional great powers and internationalist domestic coalitions framed in a stable democratic polity are forces for peaceful interaction , while hard engagement strategies from great external powers plus nationalist coalitions within democratic backsliding in key regional powers present negative outlooks for regional cooperation.
This book will be of much interest to students of regional security, comparative politics, area studies and International Relations. Gobernanza Global.
Democracies do not take up arms against each other. Although this axiom has attained the status of a mantra in the field of international relations, this statement is much more complex than it appears in part because it is highly Although this axiom has attained the status of a mantra in the field of international relations, this statement is much more complex than it appears in part because it is highly contingent on the definitions and operationalizations of both democracy and conflict.
This article revisits democratic peace theory, combining both institutional constraints and similarity-based arguments.
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Interactions between the democratic level of the dyad the average democratic level of its members and its democratic spread difference between the democratic scores of its members create a dyadic triangle that encompasses all possible combinations of cases, revisiting which dyads are more prone to conflict. The findings partially confirm and partially refute both the institutional constraints and the similarity-based arguments, leading to a nuanced alternative theory: the Interactive Model of Democratic Peace.
Akin to democratic peace theory, our evidence shows that the higher a dyad's level of democracy is, the lower the probability of fatal militarized interstate disputes between that pair of states.
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However, contrary to democratic peace theory, we find that dissimilar-regime dyads can still be peaceful as long as they have a high mean of democracy. Following the theory of regime similarity, we consider the democratic spread of each dyad, but we find that being similar is not a sufficient condition for peace between the members of a dyad.
Introduction: Approaching the Question of the Internet and the Public Sphere
From the empirical evidence, the article derives three heuristic zones of conflict, filling much of the gray area that has been left unexplained by previous models. A significant evolution of the international order formula took place between the eighteenth and mid-twentieth centuries. From the eighteenth-century regional balance of power, in which Europe played a key role, and the main From the eighteenth-century regional balance of power, in which Europe played a key role, and the main organizational principle was the multipolar balance of power, it took a global form in the 20th century.
It had features of bipolarity, which made it refer to the assumptions of the pluralism of the English school, confirming the key role of the strongest state, and - through the creation of the League of Nations and the United Nations - inscribed in the main theses of the solidarist trend, assigning an important stabilizing role to international organizations as emanations of the collective will of the community international. This study has been used to reassume the attributes of international order over two centuries, leading to the conclusion that it is not an autonomous phenomenon from the will of international entities, but seems to confirm the assumptions of the English school, in the light of which the collective will of participants in international relations international or global community regulates conditions of their functioning.
In other words, international entities create the optimal environment for their operations, setting rules and striving to consolidate them and reduce the impact of unpredictable factors. With the end of the Cold War political order, the clear bipolarity of the competing liberal and realist schools was no longer enough to explain the multi-layered international relations-ever less hierarchical and more polymorphic, or even With the end of the Cold War political order, the clear bipolarity of the competing liberal and realist schools was no longer enough to explain the multi-layered international relations-ever less hierarchical and more polymorphic, or even amorphous, subject to constant dynamic changes.
The results of this study and their implications for both research and practice are discussed.
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